If Cao Mo hadn't formed his own security force very early, and if he hadn't figured out the other party's intentions in advance, it would be difficult for any other company without a strong background to support it.

The Evans Foundation confronts such an existence.

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West African United Cement and Tianyue Industrial have already established offices in Dua, the largest port city in Digun.

Like Kanem, farmers had no way out and poured into a few limited centers without restrictions, causing the city to expand disorderly.

The entire country of Digun has only 22 to 3 million people, but Dua, as the largest port city, has over 4 million people crowded into it.

However, Dua's urban construction and industrial base are worse than those of Cotonou. With such a dense population, most of the young and middle-aged people are unemployed or semi-unemployed, and social security chaos can be imagined.

The town of Quekotos is also built directly on the straight coastline, one hundred kilometers north of Dua. It once prospered briefly due to the development of offshore oil fields.

In the early years of oil exploration, in addition to building living, safety and material support bases on the shore,

, and also built a supporting port terminal for berthing of offshore work ships. At this time, they were all affiliated to Langhua Petroleum.

After Tianyue signed a cooperation agreement with Langhua Petroleum, the use rights of these facilities were temporarily transferred to Fulkov Oilfield Service Company.

Due to the development of offshore oil fields, the town of Quekotos once had hundreds of thousands of foreign residents, and the security situation was very chaotic before 2000.

However, as Langhua Petroleum temporarily suspended the exploitation of the Quekotos oil field and withdrew its main personnel, these outsiders were unable to make a living in Quekotos and dispersed.

Of course, after the Fulkov Oilfield Service Company moved in, Cao Mo arrived at Quekotos and saw that crowds were gathering again in the slums outside the living base.

Fortunately, Huang Hebin has been keeping an eye on this place during this period, and strictly prohibits staff and security personnel from going out. All the daily necessities in the early stage were shipped from Draculamo instead of buying them locally at low prices.

However, if you are closed for a long time and do not communicate with the locals, or do not transfer benefits to a certain extent, you will inevitably be rejected by the local forces, which will induce more troublesome and fierce conflicts.

Cao Mo's principle is to establish contact and contact with local forces, and to select moderate forces from the local area for support.

There are no decent factories in Quekotos. The main cash crops are cocoa and coffee. In the past, transportation was inconvenient. Although the terminal supporting the oil field can berth 5,000-ton offshore work vessels, it was privately owned by the oil company and had not been released before.

Crops and other products supplied to Quekotos are sent directly to the sea.

Currently, the Fulkov Oilfield Service Company has temporarily taken over the use rights of the terminal. Naturally, the West African Agricultural Group can use this terminal to purchase cash crops such as cocoa, coffee, oil palm fruits, and timber from Quekotos.

The cash crops that Kuikotos can currently export a year are very limited, maybe only one to twenty million US dollars. Originally, it was far from Cao Mo's turn to personally come forward, but selecting partners from the local area involves Tianyue's work in Kuikotos.

The significance of a solid foundation is far greater than the annual trade volume of 10 to 20 million US dollars.

Except for Cao Mo personally taking action, who can guarantee that the selected partners will have a moderate stance and deserve further support in establishing a cooperative relationship?

Who can guarantee that the Evans Foundation will not put some people in with ulterior motives?

The conflicts among the Digong ethnic group are fierce and complex, and they have also spawned quite a few extreme ethnic groups.

In the past, in order to avoid getting into trouble, Langhua Petroleum categorically refused to contact, let alone cooperate with, local forces. As a result, most of the subsequent attacks on the Quekotos drilling platform and living base were caused by local pirates, gangs or opponents.

This was done by extremists with hateful intentions in overseas companies like Langhua.

At that time, Langhua Petroleum became a piece of meat available to almost everyone in Digong. Naturally, it was impossible to find any real evidence to prove anything against the Evans Foundation.

Huang Hebin, Sturgeon and others could not understand the real role that Cao Mo could play, but after Cao Mo arrived at Quacotos, he intervened in various affairs with local forces without any details. They could only understand that Quacotos Oil

The success or failure of the service business is very important to Tianyue’s overall industrial layout in the Gulf of Guinea.

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The attack on Lake Norquay Manor severely damaged the pirate strength secretly supported by the Evans Foundation, and also increased the reputation of Tubman Security Consultants in the Gulf of Guinea. Even so, Fulkov Oil Services officially took over Quekotos

After drilling in the oil field, pirates continued to come and harass us intermittently.

It's just that there are no elite pirates equipped with high-speed boats, rocket launchers and rapid-fire machine guns. The sporadic pirates who come over and want to eat fat are just dishes delivered to the mouth of Tubman Security Consultants.

After more than ten waves of pirates were repelled, and hundreds of pirates were killed or captured and handed over to the Digon police, the pirates stopped.

They seemed to realize that there was no big force behind the leadership of elite pirates, and these stragglers were really no match for the elite mercenaries of Tubman Security Consultants.

During this period, Cao Mo spent most of his time living in Quekotos's living base, except for briefly returning to Longta, Dahomey or Augusta to handle matters.

The living base purchases materials from the local area and hires cooks, cleaning, gardening and other auxiliary workers. West Africa Agriculture Group selects local cooperative suppliers, and West Africa United Cement selects agents and invests in building a vertical cement storage tank near the dock to rent to them.

Cao Mo was directly involved in everything including hiring a local labor service company to operate the dock and subsequent camp infrastructure construction.

Cao Mo also specially set up an office in Quekotos, and transferred Feng Lei from Akwa, who had outstanding performance in contacting local forces in Dahomey, as the general manager of the Quekotos office, responsible for tracking these affairs and supervising them.

For other matters, please contact him directly.

Thanks to the efforts of the young Fulkov Oilfield Services Company and temporarily hired technical support providers, after four months of thorough maintenance and renovation, the updated facilities and parts alone amounted to US$20 million.

The No. 1 drilling well in the offshore oil field finally successfully produced oil in mid-September.

It is three and a half months ahead of the most optimistic estimate of Langhua Petroleum.

During this period, Jacques Sesaire, who was in charge of the West African office of Langhua Petroleum, rushed to the Quekotos drilling platform and related facilities many times. It was only the mining rights attached to the oil field and was transferred to Fulkov Oil during the cooperation period.

The purpose of establishing the West Africa office of Langhua Petroleum, a service company, is to supervise all processes from mining, platform maintenance, transportation and sales. There is no way to relax in the management of crude oil sales.

What surprised Jacques Césaire was not that the drilling rig produced oil more than three months ahead of the most optimistic estimate, nor that Tubman Security Consulting Company had repeatedly repelled pirate harassment, but that in the Quekotos regional election in early September

, the thirteen members of the Municipal Committee are all Tianyue’s partners or suppliers.

Establishing a cooperative relationship with six old municipal committee members is not a big deal. Not one of the seven newly elected municipal committee members was missed. Jacques Césaire had to admit that Cao Mo had a problem with recognizing people within Tianyue.

There are rumors among people.

Jacques Césaire also reflected on his gains and losses during his time in charge of the Quekotos Oilfield, and realized that ignoring local forces would be too fatal when facing a strong opponent like the Evans Foundation.

After the election in the Quekotos region, the new municipal committee immediately proposed not to propose a new municipal construction and development plan, but to strengthen public security and judicial construction, and to ensure that there was not much tax revenue for the area where the Quekotos oil field belongs.

, will be given priority for the construction of the police force.

The taxes and fees charged by Digon for the extraction and export of crude oil are roughly the same as those of countries such as Kanem. The total amount is basically fixed at four dollars per barrel, while it is only about one dollar per barrel in the Quekotos region.

When drilling well No. 1 produces oil, the tax revenue attributed to the Quekotos area is approximately US$10,000.

This amount of money would be nothing if placed in any county-level region in the country, but if placed in Quekotos, it would be a financial revenue that would make surrounding areas extremely jealous.
Chapter completed!