The imperial sect was Confucianism and the Legal family was large.

The other schools add up to the strength of the Legalists, and the Legalists and them add up to the Confucian family.

But do you think Confucianism is as close as a family?

Wrong.

Taizu told us that there is no school within x, and there are all kinds of strange things.

Even if everyone is a Confucian scholar, they can still divide into the Gongyang School, Guliang School and other sects, and everyone will fight to the death.

This is a moral dispute.

If it is a dispute over interests, it will be a matter of being beyond your imagination and lower your offline line.

I don't need to say the most famous ones, right?

My Donglin Party of the Ming Dynasty.

The Donglin Party, which is extremely notorious, cannot turn over even a thousand years later, is simply the greatest shame of Confucianism.

Of course, you can also see it as this is an experiment of China's capitalism manipulation of state power and policies.

If this happened during the Taiping period, maybe they could have some tricks.

But in the Little Ice Age in the late Ming Dynasty and in the purgatory-like environment, you would be purely seeking death when you play this game.

My Ming Dynasty fell, and that was irresistible.

But the role played by the Donglin Party in it, and the performance of these "fighters" after the fall of the Ming Dynasty really refreshed the bottom line of my three-view of China for 5,000 years.

OK, let's not talk about such a depressing thing.

The Confucianism in Dakang is much better than the Confucianism in Daming.

At least you have not seen Dakang's Confucianism form cliques and suppress all those who disagree with them.

Moreover, among the Confucians of Dakang, there are many practical schools.

For example, Liu Renhuai, who is most likely to become the next prime minister.

For example, Gyeonggi Governor Xiong Wenqing.

For example, Su Feng, the governor of Jiangnan.

For example, Sichuan Governor Zhang Zizhe.

...

etc.

Liu Mingqi thanks Jing Hedi very much.

Last year, he recruited Liu Renhuai to the capital and promoted him to deputy prime minister.

This is not necessary for Liu Mingqi to recruit Liu Renhuai to Beijing from the very beginning.

As long as he reuses it well and promotes Liu Renhuai.

The five prime ministers in the cabinet and the official prime minister Cao Yi and Liu Mingqi are not ready to use them anymore.

Cao Yi is a steady person but not greedy for power, and is the best candidate to balance the forces of all parties.

But in the decades after Liu Mingqi, what he wanted was to make rapid progress and forge ahead, so there was no need for such a mixed existence.

Besides, to be honest, Cao Yi has no talent to do practical things at all. He is not as good as Nangong Ji, who stepped down because of corruption. Such a person cannot play a big role in the position of prime minister.

Of course, what Liu Mingqi likes is Liu Renhuai as the prime minister.

But once Liu Renhuai was only appointed as the deputy prime minister this year. If he immediately became the prime minister and became the leader of all officials, then he would be too unruly and would have three deputy prime ministers in front of him.

Even if it is a turn, it will be Ma Haoqiu and Zhong Chang's turn to serve as prime ministers before it will be his turn.

As for Ge Songdao, he was not in a hurry. He was only 44 years old this year, five years younger than Liu Renhuai, and could completely wait to get ahead of Liu Renhuai.

It is precisely because there are so many people waiting to become the prime minister that Liu Mingqi cannot let Cao Yi stay for a long time.

But if you are the emperor and the ministers, you will not be able to let a prime minister retire at will before Cao Yi has no general mistakes.

The emperor also needs to give people decent.

So next year is Liu Mingqi's official first year, and it is natural to let Cao Yi step down and Ma Haoqiu or Zhong Chang take office.

Yes.

It is mid-April. Although Liu Mingqi has inherited the throne, according to the rules, because he succeeded the throne on the way, this year is still Jinghe thirty-fourth.

Liu Mingqi is still an emperor without a year name.

It will not be until next year that he will have his first year name, and he will be the legitimate and legitimate Emperor of the Great Order.

Therefore, it is a natural and appropriate time to change the prime minister on the first day of the Lunar New Year next year.

Of course, although Cao Yi was useless in the court, he could still use his remaining energy when he returned to his hometown.

This prime minister, born and raised in Jiangnan, still has the remaining energy to play and continue to serve the Great Kang Dynasty.

In fact, the next prime minister, Liu Mingqi still has to be a little more inclined to Ma Haoqiu.

It’s not that Zhong Chang’s ability is inferior to Ma Haoqiu, or that Zhong Chang is the iron-kick of Emperor Jinghe, and Liu Mingqi has to guard against him.

None of them.

This has a realistic need.

Before being promoted to Deputy Prime Minister, Ma Haoqiu was the Minister of Personnel, known as the Heavenly Official of the Ministry of Personnel, and controlled the top and bottom of the Ministry of Personnel.

After he became the deputy prime minister, he was still in charge of the Ministry of Personnel.

Once he is promoted to prime minister, he will focus on all matters, big and small, and have no intention of grasping one thing alone.

Then, Liu Mingqi wanted to add another deputy prime minister.

This candidate is very clear, and it is the current Minister of Personnel Li Xiutai.

Li Xiutai's son Li Fan is suspected of murdering the former crown prince Minghao with King Ren, but later disappeared.

Logically speaking, Li Xiutai should have resigned and retired and returned home.

But not many people in the court talked about this because Li Xiutai did a very good job in the Ministry of Personnel. Under his scheduling, the Ministry of Personnel had almost no major problems in the past ten years, and the overall operation was very normal, which promoted a group of young talents to the court.

So Emperor Jinghe didn't pursue him at all.

However, Li Xiutai himself was also very cold. He cut off his relationship with Li Fan after the outbreak of the incident in Prince Ing’s Mansion two years ago, and he was considered a ruthless person.

Liu Mingqi naturally wants to promote such a talent.

Moreover, it is also a practice for Dakang to become a deputy prime minister.

Besides, if Li Xiutai doesn’t leave, how could Liu Mingqi arrange her own people to go in and control the Ministry of Personnel step by step?

Taizu told us that as an emperor, you can not take care of things on weekdays, but you must firmly grasp power.

Otherwise, an emperor without power would be a great sorrow and would not be able to show his ambitions at all.

All dynasties from ancient times to the present, money, grain and official positions were the top two important departments.

The Ministry of Revenue has been almost completely cleaned up due to the previous grain case, but because there was no suitable person to be the Minister of the Ministry of Revenue, the resigned deputy prime minister Nangong Ji was in charge.

Since it is a steward, then Liu Mingqi is easy to operate.

In fact, if such a thing was not done, Emperor Jing He would have accepted the appointment of the new Minister of the Ministry of Revenue this year, and he would have chosen all the candidates. He is Luo Nanjing, the doctor of the Ministry of Revenue who was alone in the Ministry of Revenue before, and is currently the left minister of the Ministry of Revenue.

Fortunately, Jing Hedi did not appoint him, otherwise Liu Mingqi would not find any way to reconsider the candidate, and it would not be possible to move this position within two or three years.

As mentioned above, as Li Xiutai was promoted, Liu Mingqi could put people in.

Even if you can't control the Ministry of Personnel for three or two years, it will always be possible after five or six years.

Liu Mingqi is only twenty years old, and he can afford to wait.

There is no hurry for such a key position, otherwise the affairs below will be in chaos.

As an emperor, you must pay more attention to rules.

Otherwise, if you take the lead in breaking the rules, how can you expect others to abide by the rules?

...

Within the court, Liu Mingqi planned to take control of the Ministry of Revenue and the Ministry of Personnel first, and at the same time slowly pushed Liu Renhuai up.

In places outside the court, the young man was not without ideas.

In modern terms, we must pay attention to echelon construction.

We cannot point to the ministers in front of us to use it hard. As a result, when they get old, they suddenly realize that there is no successor and there is no powerful person to replace them, which will weaken the control of the court.

Cooperation and confrontation between the central and local governments have always been wonderful wars.

If your center is not tough enough, then lip service in the local area is a very common thing and is not unusual at all.

Isn’t the end of my Ming Dynasty ending? Isn’t it because the center wins, that the local government does not take the imperial court seriously. Should I be a warlord, a warlord, a profiteer, a traitor, a traitor?

If the commercial taxes in Jiangnan can be collected, our Ming Dynasty will not end up in such a miserable state.
To be continued...