Chen Huai and Chen Baoqi were playing Tai Chi, and Guo Chengze was happy to watch the show, but he participated in today's conversation with his intentions. Looking at Chen Baoqi, Qi Jingyao and others' intentions, Chen Huai was pushed cleanly. The atmosphere was a bit dull, and the timing was right to get into the topic:

"Now your first, second and third leaders in Xiapu County are all here. I have a question. I want to talk to you in advance."

"I'm really afraid of Mayor Guo's words," Chen Huai smiled. "What's the problem with Xiapu? Can you please speak softly when Mayor Guo criticizes it?"

After Chen Huai was not as sharp as before, Guo Chengze didn't think it was a good thing. He now needs to have a headache about Chen Huai's slipperyness, but he still has to bite the bullet and say some things:

"There are not many decent enterprises in Jiangyan and other counties, and the local financial difficulties are in the financial situation. Jiang Zhijun from Jiangyan, crying poor every time he goes to the city. I have a headache. He wants to hide when he sees him. He has to consider the current difficulties in Jiangyan, but the municipal finance is so big, and there are far more than Jiangyan's one person who lacks money, and it is hard to relieve his problems. I am a city worker, even a good wife can't cook without rice. Does Xiapu County need to consider sharing the city's worries and solving problems?"

This time, five new members of the Meigang Group were elected as members of the Municipal Party Committee, accounting for half of the newly elected members of the Municipal Party Committee, which was not without a price.

Li Feng, He Qingshe and Huang Xinliang's additional elections were related to the previous split, the establishment of Huaihai Rongtou Group, the support of the establishment of the district land reserve center, and the promotion of the city's land reserve system construction; Xiao Haomin's election as a member of the municipal party committee was closely related to his as executive deputy county magistrate and promoting the occurrence of Yushan tourism industry. Another important condition is that Chen Huai agreed to promote the construction of the municipal fiscal system.

Around 1994, the tax sharing system was implemented in China. Since Huaihai Province, as a province and city with a lagging development at that time, the province and city could receive a large proportion of central transfer payments in finances; in 1997, that is, last year, the central transfer payments accounted for more than half of the provincial fiscal expenditure. Therefore, when local governments conduct further tax sharing, the value-added tax, corporate income tax, business tax, etc. shared by local governments were significantly occupied by district and county-level finance.

This has led to the rapid growth of the total fiscal and taxation scale of Meixi New District and Xinpu Port. The money collected will either be directly handed over to the central treasury or left to the district and county. The proportion of direct income shared by municipal finance from the rapid growth of these two places is very low.

The so-called municipal-level financial system construction actually requires realizing the distribution ratio between districts, counties and prefectures and cities for the value-added tax, corporate income tax, business tax, etc. shared by local governments.

For districts and counties with backward economic development, although the proportion of remittance increases, the amount transferred from the municipal finance will increase significantly after a large-scale increase in municipal finance, so it is supported by this work; the only disadvantage is Tangzha District and Xiapu County.

Last year, in 1997, in addition to the taxes paid to the state treasury, the fiscal and tax revenues of Xiapu County belonging to the local government reached 1 billion, of which only 10% of the municipal finance was paid to the municipal finance, and the others were used for local construction and people's livelihood expenses in Xiapu County. As a municipal district, Tangzha was subject to great restrictions, but the municipal finance was still less than 30%.

This also makes Donghua develop rapidly in recent years, but the scale of municipal fiscal growth is limited, which makes the municipal party committee and government seriously lack the ability to lead the construction of key projects.

Although the construction of domestic fiscal and taxation systems is still developing in a concentrated direction, the central government also tends to strengthen the competitiveness of county economy; in terms of administrative structure, counties are only handed over to municipalities for management. This results in that under the existing policies, cities and cities can collect the financial power of municipal districts, but it is difficult to collect the financial power of subordinate counties.

In the next three to five years, the main focus of Donghua's financial and tax growth will be in Xiapu.

Shen Huai did not let go. Guo Chengze proposed the goal of increasing the municipal fiscal scale by more than 2 billion within two years, which would be difficult to achieve and would become a blank saying.

Now Hu Lin and Chen Baoqi sent Qi Jingyao to Xiapu, which was obviously a place to occupy. If Chen Huai had always asked Xiapu County to intercept such a large financial scale for self-use, it would only be cheaper for others in the end. Therefore, Guo Chengze chose to send Qi Jingyao to Xiapu in Chen Baoqi, and supported Chen Huai in other aspects, all his deep considerations were included.

Guo Chengze's most direct intention is to hope that Chen Huai can jointly promote and strengthen municipal-level financial construction; after all, in Donghua, the Meigang Group will have to participate in the checks and balances and sharing of municipal-level powers, and will not be limited to the district and county level.

Of course, Chen Huai also agreed to promote the construction of the municipal fiscal system, but Chen Huai would not let go easily how much fiscal and tax payment ratio is increased, how to increase it, and when to increase it - this is exactly what Guo Chengze is anxious about.

Before the plenary meeting ended, Guo Chengze couldn't wait to mention this matter. Chen Huai naturally was not so kind and said to Guo Chengze: "Xiapu has been studying relevant policies. If the province has unified deployment, it would not be that difficult."

It would be fine if I didn’t mention this, but Guo Chengze was still frustrated after mentioning this.

The distribution of finance and taxation among governments at all levels has always been a focus of local contradictions.

If the city wants districts and counties to concentrate financial power, why don’t the province want to concentrate the local finance and taxation on a larger scale and then allocate it to the province?

Some people in the province now even propose pilot projects for direct-managed counties, and those who are targeting economically strong counties such as Xiapu.

Now the provincial fiscal expenditure is only 700 to 80 billion yuan a year. If Xiapu is really turned into a provincial-level county and Donghua City is put aside, the provincial and county governments directly share the fiscal and tax revenue brought about by the rapid growth of Xinpu Port, the provincial fiscal disposable scale may increase by as many as one billion at once.

The contradictions involving finance, taxation, factions, localities, and party and government are very complex, so even if Xiapu County is at the bottom of the provincial, municipal and county administrative system, it still has a lot of say.

If Chen Huai angered Chen Huai, he would leave Donghua City aside, use the power behind the Song Dynasty to cater to the interests and wishes of some people in the province, and promote the pilot work of "provincial direct management". Guo Chengze and Chen Baoqi could only smile bitterly in the city.

Similarly, local opposition is strong, and the province will not easily promote the "provincial direct management" pilot work. Even if the pilot is promoted, it will be difficult to directly put the target on Xiapu - in that case, the intention is too obvious and the eating habit is too ugly.

Guo Chengze is even more anxious to promote the construction of the municipal financial system, but Chen Baoqi's position is consistent with his.

Only when the municipal finance scale has increased significantly, the municipal party committee, or Chen Baoqi, has greater voice and dominance in major projects. Unlike now, as the decent secretary of the municipal party committee, he can't even talk about anything about projects like the expansion of Jinghai Highway, let alone let related companies take over this project.

In 1997, Donghua City was responsible for direct investment and financial-related infrastructure investment of up to 6 billion yuan, while the Meigang Group's actual infrastructure investment of Xinpu Development Group last year was up to 2 billion yuan. In comparison, the municipal fiscal investment and the part responsible for the Municipal Hong Kong Investment Group were only 600 million to 700 million yuan. From this perspective, who is the economic director in the substantial sense of Donghua?

Seeing that Chen Huai did not let go, Chen Baoqi also considered working with Guo Chengze to put pressure on him: "In recent years, Tangzha and Xiapu have developed very rapidly. There are party members and cadres in the two places working hard and hard, but it is also closely related to the location advantages of the two places. The city still needs to pay attention to balance. It cannot be said that Tangzha and Xiapu have developed, so it doesn't matter whether Jiangyan and other backward districts and counties with geographically partial geography are located. Last year, the teachers in Xiapu County significantly adjusted their wages, which is a good thing in Xiapu, but the city has also been under great pressure. The teachers in Jiangyan and Yushan have three or five yuan in salary per month, and their opinions have become big. Some balances are imminent. We cannot wait for teachers from other districts and counties to surround the county government and the downtown city government, and then passively make adjustments? We should build socialism, and we still have to take the path of common prosperity. This is our fundamental policy that cannot be changed..."

Facing Guo Chengze, Chen Baoqi coaxed and frightened. Chen Huai just smiled and said, "Secretary Chen said that the problem of unbalanced regional development is a very prominent contradiction in the country. Secretary Tian Jiageng was transferred to East Sichuan as the provincial party secretary. From the central level, it is also necessary to focus on strengthening the development of the central and western regions. I support the decision of the city..."

Guo Chengze and Chen Baoqi looked at each other, and Yu Chengzhen sat aside without saying a word, secretly feeling that Chen Huai had learned too much about the policy.

Donghua City is not a large city in the country and does not have the power to formulate and promulgate fiscal and tax policies separately.

Now that I want to make special cases in Xiapu County, Xiapu County does not actively cooperate. If the city wants to leave Xiapu, it will have to go to the province to seek special cases support.

Now Shen Huai said he was supportive on the surface, but he might have some muddy waters behind his back, and the situation might become very complicated. If he drags on this matter a little, he will not be able to see any eyebrows for two or three years. This is inconsistent with their desire to change the current situation of the municipal finance.

In this matter, Qi Jingyao and Pan Zhiqiang had no say, so they could only look at Chen Huai like a stone in a pit, calling Guo Chengze and Chen Baoqi together and couldn't even bite it.

Seeing the atmosphere getting deeper, Chen Huai moved his body, changed his posture and crossed his legs, saying, "A few of us county party secretaries are also discussing this issue below. Under the current fiscal and taxation policy, how can we better balance the regional issue. As Mayor Guo said just now, Secretary Jiang from Jiangyan met me at the venue in the morning, and he cried poorly as soon as he met. He said that Xiapu is developing better and should help them. I didn't think much at that time, so I just agreed to him casually, "Okay, what difficulties are Jiangyan? Xiapu is a brother county and should help the top leader. Now I hear Secretary Chen and Mayor Guo say these words, and asked me to seriously think about the jokes he made with Secretary Jiang in the morning. I thought that under the current fiscal and taxation policy, there is no way to lose, and Xiapu County is willing to take more responsibilities. Of course, this matter still needs the support of the city."

Chen Baoqi almost tilted his nose. At first glance, Chen Huai's suggestions were very reasonable, but they were completely different from what he and Guo Chengze said.

He and Guo Chengze hope to increase the proportion of fiscal and tax payment in Xiapu County, and then the city will strengthen the financial allocation to backward districts and counties such as Jiangyan. The city will be able to significantly increase its power in collecting fiscal and taxation and financial control at the same time. The meaning of Shenhuai is that Xiapu County directly provides financial support to backward counties such as Jiangyan, and there is nothing wrong with the city.

Chen Baoqi thought that transferring Gu Jinzhang to Jiangyan would be a blow to the Meigang system, but he didn't expect that Chen Huai would have such a backhand waiting for them.
Chapter completed!