"This is a secret agreement reached by the personnel sent by Suharto and us." Chen Yang handed the minutes of the talks between the two sides to Wu Ming, "Our purpose has been basically achieved. This is the condition promised by Sukarno's special envoy to stop anti-China riots, agree to the Sumatra's own choice, but ask us to withdraw from the Indonesian territory of Kalimantan."

"In comparison, Suharto is more generous." Wu Ming looked through the documents carefully and sneered: "Not only promised to stop anti-China riots and compensate the Chinese for their losses, he also agreed that the issues of Sumatra and Kalimantan will be chosen independently by the people there. As long as we do not interfere and do not bias, Suharto believes that they have the ability to control the situation in Indonesia and will live in a friendly and peaceful manner with Malaya."

"Then let's cooperate with Suharto to bring Indonesian Chinese and overseas Chinese to Kalimantan Island and expel Indonesian residents there." Zhao Xiaomei said: "When the Suharto group takes power, if he is disobedient, just this secret agreement can get him out of office."

"I think it's OK." Wu Ming nodded and agreed: "The troops landing on Java Island temporarily stopped their operations, wait and see, and told Suharto that this agreement must be signed and approved by him and Nassutian, and the migration of Chinese in Indonesia must begin immediately. Otherwise, we will use force. At this time, Britain and the United States will focus on North Korea, and our attitude will determine who the Indonesian regime will fall into. It is really unreasonable not to ask for more benefits."

On September 15, 1950, although the right and left wings of Indonesia were at odds, in order not to further incite the Malayan army, they took corresponding actions to stop anti-China riots and suppress rioters. The Chinese, overseas Chinese began to concentrate in coastal cities, waiting for the arrival of Malayan ships. Although Malaya had reached an agreement with the Suharto Group, this secret agreement could not be seen. Malaya withdrew Chinese and overseas Chinese. In addition to the parties who signed the agreement, others only knew that these Chinese were going to Southern Kalimantan to avoid disasters, and further matters were unknown.

On September 20, Suharto, who reached a secret agreement with Malaya, was confident and announced the ban on the Indonesian Communist Party, the People's Youth League, the All-Indonesian Central Trade Union, the Indonesian Women's Movement Association and other left-wing groups. He then commanded the army to start a massacre. Within two months, the Indonesian left-wing groups were severely damaged, and its main leaders Aidi and others were all killed. According to incomplete statistics, hundreds of thousands of people were killed, and more than 300,000 people were arrested and imprisoned. At the same time, the military group was On the one hand, President Sukarno was forced to gradually give up power, and on the other hand, he continued to slander China through the media to support the "930 Movement" and interfere in Indonesia's internal affairs. The Army's "Fighting News" said incisively: "Did the Jiu30 Movement only come from Weng Dongdi's idea? And did the domestic or foreign political activists who were the main messengers behind the scenes participate in the planning? Is the counter-revolutionary adventure of the Jiu30 Movement rely solely on their respective material strength, and without the material and spiritual support and help of the vast domestic or foreign classes?"

At that time, China believed that the "Nine Thirty Incident" was the result of the development of class contradictions in Indonesia. The superficial cooperation of "Nashagong" in the past covered the boundary between revolution and counter-revolution. After this incident, the forces of revolution and counter-revolution were rapidly differentiated, and the front between the two sides became clearer. The left had been forced to transform from a legal and peaceful struggle to an underground and armed struggle, which was conducive to the further development of Indonesia's revolutionary forces. However, China's open attitude towards the incident was to try to be objective as much as possible. Radio and newspapers did not report on the changes in Indonesia's political situation. At that time, China set the policy: firmly support the revolutionary struggle in the Indonesian people, concentrate on attacking and isolating the right, narrow the deceptive role of the centrists and promote their differentiation, and resolutely fight back against the attacks of the right.

However, the situation in Indonesia took a sharp turn. Suharto and the military group brutally suppressed the left-wing group with force. On October 15, 1950, Suharto formed a new cabinet under the hostage of soldiers and authorized Suharto to act as president. Suharto was completely in a position of powerlessness. The relationship between the two countries was deteriorating and various exchanges were interrupted one after another.

On October 30, 1950, the Indonesian parliament passed a resolution saying that the Indonesian government could "take resolute measures on the relationship between Indonesia and China as the situation develops, and sever diplomatic relations if necessary."

On November 5, the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a note to the Chinese Embassy in Indonesia and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, announcing that the Indonesian government decided to close the Indonesian Embassy in China and asked China to ensure the safe evacuation of its embassy personnel from China. At the same time, it required China to close the Embassy in Indonesia, the Consulate General in Jakarta, and the Consulate in Medan, Machen and Makassar from November 10, 1950. All Chinese personnel of the above-mentioned institutions left Indonesian territory in the shortest time.

On November 8, the Chinese government issued a statement that the interruption of relations between China and Indonesia is entirely responsible for Indonesia, and all the consequences arising from this must be fully borne by the current Indonesian government.

On November 10, when the Indonesian Chinese and overseas Chinese were successfully transferred, the Malayan army began to retreat slowly. The threat to Jakarta was lifted, but it was still stationed in Urong Kulong, playing a deterrent role. In the second Malaysian and Indian war, the Malayan army occupied Kalimantan Island and moved the Indonesian Chinese to the island, laying the foundation for the next general election to decide the ownership of Kalimantan Island.

Compared with the sudden changes in the Korean battlefield, this Indonesian political chaos has obviously not been paid attention to by the international community. Although Britain, the United States and other countries welcomed the right-wing forces in Indonesia, China's participation in the war has completely focused their attention on the Korean Peninsula.

On September 15, 1950, MacArthur boarded the flagship McKinley Mountain to supervise the battle himself. Under the cover of more than 300 warships and more than 500 aircraft from the United States and Britain, the 10th Army of the US and the United Kingdom successfully landed in Incheon, raided from the rear of the North Korean army, cutting off the waistline of the Korean Peninsula, and quickly recaptured the Incheon Port and nearby islands. On September 22, the United Nations troops retreated to the Busan circular defense circle took advantage of the situation to counterattack. On September 27, the Incheon landing troops met with the Busan troops near Suwon, and recaptured Seoul one day later.
Chapter completed!